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Statistics, Probability and the Law: What You Don't Know Can Lose the Case
My brother-in-law, Russ, was contemplating whether to try to hit his golf ball through the tree directly between him and the green, or whether to play it safe but lose a stroke by getting out from behind the tree. Bill, another of our foursome, advised Russ to go for it. "After all," he said, "the tree is ninety percent air." Russ’s shot ricocheted off a branch and deeper into the woods, costing him two strokes.

Russ’s decision to try to hit the ball through the tree was based on his judgment that the probability of hitting a tree branch was low, based on the statistic that ninety percent of the volume of the tree was air. His decision was flawed, not only because of his high handicap, but because the ten percent of the tree that was solid was evenly distributed throughout its volume, leaving very few clear paths for the golf ball to travel through the tree. In other words, as I pointed out to Russ as I collected my winnings, a window screen is also ninety percent air, but I wouldn’t bet on hitting a golf ball through one.

Every day, every person makes decisions based on probabilities and statistics, usually unconscious of that fact. Often, however, ignorance of some of the most fundamental rules of probability and statistics dooms those decisions to be bad ones. Judges and justices of courts of appeal suffer from this affliction as much as anyone, but their flawed decisions have major public policy repercussions. Three recent decisions of Courts of Appeal illustrate the idea.

In Sharon P. v. Arman, Ltd., Division Three of the Second Appellate District of California ruled that a commercial parking garage was inherently dangerous and, therefore, that owners of such structures could be liable for criminal acts committed on the premises even in the absence of any previous incidents.

Sharon P. is only the latest in a lengthy history of decisions of California Courts of Appeal deciding whether property owners owe duties to prevent criminal assaults on their property. Prior decisions had focused on the question of whether it was reasonably foreseeable that such criminal assaults were likely to occur in the absence of reasonable precautionary measures. Such foreseeability had been found in prior cases only where there had been previous criminal acts. The question in Sharon P. was whether previous criminal acts were necessary to establish such foreseeability.

The plaintiff, Sharon P., had been sexually assaulted at gunpoint in the subterranean parking garage of the office building in which she worked. She sued the owners of the building, but the trial court granted summary judgment in favor of the defendants. The trial court noted that, other than robberies of a bank located in the building above the parking garage, there was no evidence of prior criminal activity in the vicinity.

The Court of Appeal reversed, finding that prior criminal acts were not the only factor to be used in determining the foreseeability of criminal assaults. However, the Court went beyond that, ruling, also, that commercial parking garages are so inherently dangerous that criminal assaults are, as a matter of law, always foreseeable.

The Sharon P. decision, that commercial parking garages were inherently dangerous, was based purely on the justices’ logic: that dark areas out of sight of the public and the police are likely places for a criminal to lie in wait for a victim. The opinion cites not one iota of empirical evidence to support this proposition, nor was any such evidence presented to the trial court in opposition to the Motion for Summary Judgment.

While it does sound logical that parking garages might suffer from more criminal assaults than other places, what if it is not, as a matter of fact, true? What if rapists simply haven’t figured out the apparent vulnerability of women who park in commercial garages? Perhaps the discomfort of lurking in a garage outweighs the apparent opportunities to find victims. Perhaps criminals fear being trapped and unable to escape if detected committing a crime in a garage. Even if commercial parking garages are places where many criminal assaults occur, how much more frequent need they be for them to be declared inherently dangerous? To what are they being compared?

To put these questions into the language of probability and statistics: Is the probability of a sexual assault, or, indeed, any sort of crime against a person, significantly greater in a commercial parking garage than in other places? If so, the public policy question would then be: Is the cost of imposing additional risk of liability on owners of commercial parking garages justified by the costs of the increased risks of assault to users of those garages?

The Sharon P. opinion provides answers to none of these questions, yet it obviously has profound public policy implications. The cost of insurance for commercial parking garages has probably increased. Owners of commercial parking garages must now take additional security measures, further increasing their costs of doing business. Despite such security measures, one can be confident that the number of lawsuits against owners and operators of commercial parking garages will increase, further crowding courts. Of course, those costs will be ultimately borne by consumers.

The legislature is the body that ought to be responsible for deciding how the risks of civil liability for criminal acts should be allocated. However, Courts have a long history of stepping in when legislatures abdicate their responsibility to make such decisions. The Court of Appeal in this case, though, should not have made this decision without empirical proof that the probability of a criminal assault in a garage was significantly higher than on other types of commercial premises. The proper result would have been to remand the case to the Superior Court for a trial on the factual issue of whether commercial parking garages are especially dangerous. Ideally, the Court of Appeal should have established for the trial court an objective standard for the determination of what increased level of risk is necessary in order to support a finding of inherent danger, or it should have instructed the trial court to develop such a standard based on expert testimony adduced at the trial on remand.

Another pair of disturbing decisions are those of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in United States v. Bighead, and of the California Court of Appeal in People v. Roberts. In both cases, the courts upheld the admissibility of expert testimony on statistical issues without any foundation for determining whether the statistical opinions rendered were valid.

In Bighead, the defendant was accused of sexual molestation of a child. The prosecution offered the testimony of a sexual abuse counselor who opined that victims of sexual abuse commonly delay reporting abuse and blend events together in their memories. This testimony converted what would ordinarily have been profound doubts about the truth of the alleged victim’s story into bolstered credibility. That is, the alleged victim’s delay in reporting the alleged assault and the victim’s inability to remember accurately the details of the incident would ordinarily severely damage that witness’ credibility. However, after the testimony of the sexual abuse counselor, those very defects became evidence of the truth of the accusations.

The expert’s opinion was based on interviews of more than 1,300 people who said they had been abused as children. Thus, the sexual abuse counselor’s opinion was based on statistics and probability. That is, based on statistics derived from a study of 1,300 sexual abuse victims, this person had concluded that the probability of delay in reporting assaults and the probability of confusing different events were higher in victims of sexual abuse than in victims of other types of crimes.

The problem is that this sexual abuse counselor had no valid basis for coming to that conclusion. The 1,300 persons who had been interviewed all claimed to have been victims of sexual abuse, but there was no evidence of how many had actually been victims of childhood sexual molestation. Thus, the sample population tested could, in fact, have been evidence of the opposite of her testimony: that those who make false claims of sexual abuse are more likely than average to delay making such claims and to confuse the facts of their false claims.

Even if all of the 1,300 persons in the sample had been genuine victims of sexual abuse, the expert could not testify to how many of those 1,300 persons had delayed reporting the alleged molestations, nor how many tended to blend events together in their memories. In other words, the expert made a statistical conclusion without having gathered any of the statistics upon which she based that conclusion.In fact, because the sexual abuse counselor had not interviewed a similar sample of victims of other crimes with regard to their tendencies to delay reporting the crimes or to be confused in their memories of the details, the expert didn’t really know if her group of sexual assault victims was different from anyone else.

The fault is not the expert’s. This witness wasn’t trying to determine scientifically whether her observations about victims of sexual abuse were statistically valid, she was trying to counsel those who needed it. The fault lies with the trial court judge and the justices of the Court of Appeal who permitted such testimony without regard for its flaws.

In Roberts, the defendant was accused of robbery. The defendant, who was not a member of a gang, presented the testimony of a gang member who was already convicted of the same robbery, who said that the defendant was not his accomplice and was not present at the scene of the crime. The prosecution, in rebuttal, offered the testimony of a police officer as an expert witness, who opined that gang members, such as the defense witness, will lie to protect residents of their neighborhoods, even when those residents are not fellow gang members.

Again, this is entirely a statistical statement. That is, in order for the police officer’s testimony to have had any meaning at all, he must have been saying that this gang member is more likely to be lying than would be a non-gang member.

The basis for the police officer’s opinion is, of course, his years on the force and numerous contacts with gang members. However, like the sexual assault counselor in Bighead, the police officer could not testify to what proportion of those gang members had lied to him, nor even how he knew which ones had lied and which ones had told the truth. The police officer certainly didn’t know as a factual matter how likely were other neighborhood residents who were not gang members to lie for a neighbor, so he could not make a valid comparison with gang members.

Both the sexual abuse counselor and the police officer also could not account for any number of other factors that must go into an opinion such as they gave. For example, one would expect that age, culture, race and gender would make significant differences among the behavior of both victims of sexual abuse and gang members. That is, Asian gang members in Los Angeles might be more willing to lie than African-American gang members in San Francisco, and impoverished White children might be more reluctant to report sexual molestation than middle-class Latino children. While ignorant of the importance of such other factors, and ignorant of the distribution of these other important factors among the populations of gang members and alleged victims of sexual molestation, one cannot legitimately opine about the truthfulness of the testimony of a member of that group.

Judges are not trained in probability and statistics, but perhaps they should be. As the gate keepers of expert testimony, only they can keep invalid evidence from a jury that is certain to be even more ignorant, and, thus, more easily swayed by invalid scientific opinion, than the judge. Judges should, at least, be aware of their ignorance, and insist that the parties educate them before they make factual or public policy pronouncements without any empirical support. Most importantly, litigators should be cognizant of the most basic principles of probability and statistics so that they can object to factual findings made without proof.
 
 
 
 
Bankruptcy Attorneys East Bay Genser & Watkins LLP
125 Park Place, Suite 210, Point Richmond, CA 94801   Phone: 510.237.6916   Fax: 510.236.9851
2200 Powell Street, Suite 890, Emeryville, CA 94608 Phone: 510.237.6916   Fax: 510.236.9851
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